Unity, in Middle East International, No. Saleh uses the existence of a tribal system and tribal loyalties to develop his network of patronage and clientelism in the same way Asad used the Alawi network and Saddam uses the Takriti clan. nation-states in the modern Middle East, in Khoury, Philip & Kostiner, ), Op. Relations and the Stability of Arab Regimes, Oxford, Oxford University Clearly, tribalism remains an important part of Yemeni society and politics, and this would be drawn upon by Migdal to highlight that state leaders are not the only ones to exert pressure on the behaviour and loyalty of the people. As Carapico writes, "parties did not represent tribes nor did party loyalty rest on tribal affiliation. Computers  However, rather than really moving power towards Islamists, Saleh was merely placating them and recognising, as he usually does, his need to negotiate. During Yemen's uprising, authoritarian president Ali Abdullah Saleh was replaced by his second-in-command, Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi. In Yemen, online censorship is as old as internet access in the country. 611, 29/10/1999, p17 This highlights one of the reasons why strongman leaders have sought to weaken the state, the fact that even if politics can be removed from society, it may still be present amongst state agencies, and therefore could come to challenge the regime. He allows the likes of Islah to be vocal and influential yet he ensures that they do so only in a way that does not explicitly affect him; indeed, when Islah is critical of the government, its propaganda is directed against other members of the GPC and not Saleh himself. How Western Complicity Is Fueling Yemen's Humanitarian Crisis. He writes, "The state became a family business. ), Joseph (eds. Saleh is not the man to bring full democracy to Yemen, his regime is too deeply intertwined with patrimonial networks and corporatist praetorianism, but he can lay the grounding for further development. The conflict began after long-time authoritarian President Ali Abdullah Saleh was forced to hand over power to his deputy, Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, in 2011 following public protests. The state around Saleh is not ‘strong’ yet neither is society strong. They have been allowed to operate basically within the framework of Saleh’s patronage network and as Carapico writes, "The re-Islamicization of a deeply religious, homogenously Muslim culture is also government policy…like Riyadh, Sana’a uses religion to justify repression, arbitrary justice, and summary executions" [19]. A ‘Lion’ is akin to an ibid., p. 220 Tunisia’s Ben Ali, Egypt’s Husni Mubarak, Libya’s Muammar al-Qadhafi and – possibly – Yemen Ali Abdallah Salih’s are all history. has, in the main, been a partner to Saleh. London, Lynne Rienner, 1998, p. 262 The fact that tribal leaders are brought into the polity gives them a stake in it, without truly giving them control over Saleh’s executive. Politics, London, Routledge, 1985, pp. Indeed, Renaud Detalle argues that the GPC did exactly the same thing, "In putting together their slate, the GPC looked for persons well-rooted in their communities, with party affiliation taking second place. 2, 1995, pp. Hashid, Bakil and Madhij all held an increasing number of tribal conferences, but they did not represent a cohesive block; they created no real agenda to force upon Saleh. expanded on in chapter 4. 131-140, p. 133, Brooks, Rita, Political-Military Cit. 190, September-October 1994, pp 24-27, Carapico, Sheila, The Economic Dimension of Yemeni Unity, in Middle East Report, Vol. Do Tribes constitute a ‘Strong’ Element of Society? ), Op. The top military posts are given to either relatives of the President or close kinsmen from Sanhan; this is the pattern across the Arab world. One significant factor here is the role of the Islah party, the party in many ways straddles the two elements of this research in that it is partly tribal and partly Islamic, however, it will be dealt with more extensively in the next chapter. Outside of political parties, one can also discuss the role of Islamic groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood in Yemen, founded by Sheikh al-Zindani who is al-Ahmar’s partner in Islah, or even the grouping who were nicknamed Yemen’s Islamic Jihad, run by Sheikh al-Fadhli [5]. Jews  Figures taken from Saif, Ahmed Abdul 46, No. - Do Islamists Constitute a ‘Strong’ Element of Society? 23, No. In actuality, the GPC won 188 and Islah only 53, less than it had achieved in 1993. 185, November-December 1993, pp. Documents  in Transition: The Parliament of the Republic of Yemen 1990-99, PhD Thesis, https://www.britannica.com/place/Yemen/Government-and-society 27, 1995, pp 405-431, p. 407. Sheila Carapico argued that, "Yemen may be the one country where a regime can be forced to move incrementally and unwillingly, to incorporate the real pluralism of its society into the practise of statecraft" [8], my agreement with her would be slightly qualified. True, different centres of loyalty exist outside of the state and Saleh cannot exercise total dominance over them but he does not need to. Carapico, Sheila, Civil Society…, Ahmed Abdul Kareem Saif has made this argument, claiming that the fact that social figures are recruited by parties because of the influence they already exert means that MP’s "ask what their party can do for them, not what they can do for their party" [16]. support of the state, in Dawisha, Adeed & Zartman, I. William (eds. In Migdal’s assessment of state-society relationships he argues that the state must take notice of local strongmen as the sum total of chiefs could stand up to the state; however, the point is that the sum total do not work together. He believes that the fragmented control on society makes it strong and this forces the state to behave in a particular manner and forces leaders to act in specific ways if they wish to survive [2]. The fact that it is a favoured minority is important. 2 THE DEMOCRATIC AND AUTHORITARIAN RULE IN YEMEN Features of democratic rule in Yemen Houthi Yemen is one of the nations in MENA where authoritarianism is very common. Through this approach both tribes and Islamic groups would be seen as competing with the state in Yemen. The role of tribes  Hajj However, Mr. Hadi struggled with several problems after assuming presidency, such as attacks by jihadists, corruption, unemployment, food insecurity, and an ongoing separatist movement in the south. Today: Crisis and Solutions, London, Caravel Press, 1995, p. 59 In 1993 84% of registered voters actually The regime increased this distancing of tribal leaders from their tribes through giving them lucrative business opportunities; meaning that tribal leaders became more devoted to their business and less to maintaining their position and influence within their tribes. As mentioned in the introduction, the main theory within which the relationship between tribes and Islamic groups, as part of society and Saleh’s state will be examined is that of Joel Migdal. The chief sectarian split in Yemen is between Zaydism, found mainly in the northern highlands of the former YAR, and Shafi’ism, found in most of the rest of the country; the former is a branch of Shi’i Islam while the latter is part of Sunnism. Tribes have certainly played an important role in Yemen and one can investigate both whether they contribute to a Migdalian strong society and to limited pluralism. var sc_partition=3; That is after Donald Trump — and some Republican and Democratic administrations before his — often aided authoritarian leaders abroad in the name of stability. Cit., Maps, Arabic They condemned tribalism as akin to feudalism and worked to break up any tribal system and the power of tribal leaders. For example, the new Prime Minister is a southerner and could be seen as a move against growing Islamist power. Abu Taleb, Hassan, The future of Yemen The politics of survival involve the big shuffle, non-merit appointments and dirty tricks [7] and this, for Migdal further weakens the state. Islah, however, felt that its support for Saleh during the war, combined with its performance in the 1993 elections should give it a greater say in the political system, particularly in social legislation. The thread of clientelism that runs through Yemeni and Arab society ends up limiting the autonomy and effectiveness of both societal and state machinations, thus, the leader’s rule quest for regime-maintenance becomes distinct from the two. University Press, 1981. the face of this societal resilience. 6, pp. - Do Tribes constitute a ‘Strong’ Element of Society? It is not Migdal’s argument that authoritarian leaders cannot survive in a situation of strong society and weak state, but he believes they are forced to pursue ‘politics of survival’. Quoted in Watkins, Eric, Islamism and Human rights   201, Interview with Sheikh Abdullah Mohammed It is not to say that Saleh has not been wary of their potential for increased power in society. 94, No. 5, In light of this, Migdal’s approach must be adapted and developed to fit the Yemeni case and this shall be discussed in the following chapters. War in Yemen: Revolution and Saudi Intervention Yemen is once more at the focus of international attention: Internal power struggles continue in the wake of authoritarian president Ali Abdullah Saleh’s relinquishment of power during the Arab Spring and the initiation of a national dialog. With the political This must also consider Islah’s links with more extreme fundamentalist groups such as the Islamic Jihad organisation. 1995, pp. They are not a traditional expression of power that the state or leader can do nothing about, they have been co-opted into the corporate coalition in the same way that sects, classes or ideological groups are in other states. In fact, tribes and Islamic groups have become part of a modern corporatist system that is headed by Saleh. For example, at unification the PDRY had Dresch, Paul, Tribes, Government and History in Yemen, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1989. Yemen - Yemen - Government and society: The former states of North Yemen and South Yemen had sharply contrasting political systems. 3, September 1997, pp. 15-32, Schmitz, Chuck, Civil War in Yemen: The Price of Unity?, in Current History, No. Site map  Tribes and Islamic groups are not somehow unique or distinct from societal groups in other countries. This will be done in the context of Migdal’s arguments regarding weak states and strong societies; these theoretical dimensions will be expanded upon in the following chapter. This can be seen in the rearranging of his cabinet, particularly with the removal of Islah after 1997 and the handing of the Awqaf portfolio to al-Haqq. What this highlights is that various Islamists have different aims, views and leanings, much like any other group and are not the homogenous unit the western press often paints them as. Again the difference between low-level banditry and real opposition to the state is important. See also Saleh’s regime must deal with this element of the Yemeni polity if it wishes to survive; the local tribal leaders cannot simply be ignored. The basic argument here is that society is less strong and Saleh more strong than a Migdal approach would allow. The Islah party with its prominent position in the political system is often taken as evidence of this growth of traditionalist fundamentalism in the country; this is, however, a simplification. Al-Fadhli’s organisation especially, was violently mobilised against the YSP. Cit. Communism Survivor Legacy: Biden's Authoritarian Platform Is All Too Familiar 6. politics section, Politics: main page p. 204 What this research has sought to argue is that while Islamic conservatism and tribal loyalties are a large part of Yemeni culture and they do create diverse identities amongst Yemenis they do not represent a traditionalism that weakens the regime. Volume 2, London, Lynne Rienner, 1998, p. 247 27, 1995, pp. the former PDRY who was greatly opposed to the ‘atheist’ YSP. The Yemen reversal is one of a series of steps Biden laid out Thursday that he said would mark a course correction for U.S. foreign policy. Weak States, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1988, Saif, Ahmed Abul Kareem, A Legislature The northern victory in the civil war and the influence of Islah saw conservatism spread further through the country. News - latest   Yemen is on the brink of starvation, and blatant violations of human rights can be seen. Around the family there developed…a military-commercial complex…high-ranking army officers and a few great merchant families all had their hands in each other’s pockets" [7]. Taoiman published in the Yemen Times, July 31st-August 7th The authoritarian partners whom Saudi Arabia supports against the Brotherhood, Iran, and jihadism range from fellow Gulf monarchs to neo-Nasserist military rulers in Egypt to Salafi religious figures who stress political quietism. See Migdal, Joel, Yemen: The Political Economy of Activism in Modern Arabia, Cambridge, In most Arab republics the president reigns almost untouchably supreme, dominating all other institutions within the state; to quote Ayubi, "The Boss is extremely crucial and is usually a ‘presidential monarch’ in the sense that he enjoys constitutional or de facto life tenure of office" [9]. It The fact that patrimonialism is such an important part of regime survival in the region cannot be underestimated and it is this patrimonialism that overarches any simple strong-weak dichotomy in terms of state and society. Both democratic and authoritarian features exist. To quote Taoiman, "I, once again, stress that tribes have become more aware of consequences of conflicts. Even if this is the case, I would argue that this does not weaken Saleh’s regime substantially. "To speak of limited pluralism is to confuse elite circulation and co-operation with a more widespread collective political behaviour. Coercion: The Durability of the Arab State, London, Croom Helm, 1988, p. 84 What this highlights is that it is not a case of the military, or tribes or Islamic groups becoming powerful as a group, but rather it is only their leaders who actually hold any influence. p. 105. Authoritarianism: A Comparative Institutional Analysis, New Haven, Yale Tribalism is again something he has brought into his corporate system in such a way as to allow it some autonomy but prevent it destabilising his regime. ), State Power and Social Forces, Cambridge, Cambridge University Yemen is not an exceptional example. It is Saleh’s presidency that now dictates the direction and pace of Yemen’s development, albeit in a more negotiated form than several of his contemporaries. The distancing of elites from their constituencies has deepened the fragmentation of society in Yemen and further prevented it from being strong. While this may seem to be deepening Islamist penetration of society it can also benefit the regime, as Carapico writes, "In cushioning society from the ravages of corrupt economics, they also helped cushion the government form popular discontent" [12]. Tribalism’s heartland is in the former North Yemen, it is here that their presence and influence has been most salient. — Yemen Solidarity Council (@YSCouncil) January 11, 2021. the former PDRY who was greatly opposed to the ‘atheist’ YSP. ), Abu Taleb, Hassan, The Future of Yemen after the Civil War: Three Scenarios, in Joffe, E.G, et al (eds. A purely coercive state is not a strong state because a strong state needs to be able to alter the desires and goals of its people and this cannot be done through force alone. It is not a simple Islamist party, party in the Yemeni parliament and has been so ever since the 1993 elections. Rather, within each locality (and some families) were many parties and within each party were people of different tribal (and non-tribal) origins" [21]. ), Political He has used the ‘big shuffle’, which is a kind of pre-emptive act to stop others within the elite from attracting too much loyalty. Paul, Tribes, Government and History in Yemen, Oxford, Oxford University It is true that the Yemeni government has been ineffective in dealing with many of the country’s economic and developmental problems, but this is not simply about a weak state with weak institutional capacity. of Survival and the Structure of Control in the Unified Yemen, 1990-97, MA However, after the unification of North and South Yemen in 1990, the country was classified as a promising case for democratisation in the Arab World. As already mentioned, Saleh did encourage the Islamists as a counter to the socialism of the YSP and indeed, the GPC and Islah co-operated a great deal; Dresch and Haykel claim that, "During the 1993 elections, it was said, no less than seventy Islah candidates withdrew in favour of GPC candidates, while thirty people elected in the name of GPC were in fact Islah supporters" [15]. One can argue that, in fact, Islamist forces have been encouraged in order to strengthen tribal leaders’ and, ultimately, Saleh’s position and power throughout the country. This is to argue that the notion of a strong society contrasting with a weak state is not a real explanation of the Yemeni system. Kostiner, Joseph, Op. During Yemen's uprising, authoritarian president Ali Abdullah Saleh was replaced by his second-in-command, Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi. During the more open period tribal groupings, like many others, became increasingly vocal, as Carapico has written, "Some seven other tribe-based but civic mass conferences in 1992 each issued written demands for the rule of law, pluralism, economic development and local autonomy" [14]. Yemeni crisis, in al-Suwaidi, Jamal (ed. Bassam, The simultaneity of the unsimultaneous: old tribes and imposed Saleh, for example, is a Zaydi and as is Sheikh al-Ahmar. Within the limited pluralism of the Yemeni political system tribesmen have become increasingly involved in taking part in elections or attempting vote-rigging and so on, and this further develops their participation in the system. However, despite the benefits of a strong military, it may also pose a threat to an authoritarian ruler, challenge may come from within this circle. Ayubi [3] has dealt with this by distinguishing between ‘strong’, ‘hard’ and ‘fierce’ states. One can note the existence of heavily armed tribesmen who operate under distinctly tribal codes of conduct or the actions of groups of Islamist veterans of the Afghanistan war in attacking the Yemeni Socialist Party (YSP) prior to the civil war; both these examples provide a basis to claim that society in Yemen operates, to a large extent, independently of the state. Saif, Ahmed Abdul Kareem, Op. meeting with the US, GCC and Egyptian official [during the civil war], the Saudi Here one can consider the military/security apparatus, Migdal’s politics of survival and the patronage networks already discussed. 8-12, p. 8, Saif, Ahmed Abdul Kareem, Yemeni p. 105 Most of this money has gone to Islah and much of it used on social services, especially in the south, as Saif writes, "[Islah] took the initiative to help people in the South. Kareem, A Legislature in Transition: The Parliament of the Republic of Yemen, Larry Diamond (2002, p. 31), who also underlined this difficulty, categorized Middle Eastern countries in 2002 in the following way: Iran, Yemen and Lebanon as competitive authoritarian; Kuwait, Jordan, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Egypt as electoral authoritarian; and Bahrain, Oman, UAE, Qatar, Iraq, Libya, Saudi Arabia and Syria as politically closed authoritarian. Theatre, Assyrians  The fact that they take part and even attempt to cheat gives Saleh’s system an edge of legitimacy that increases his hold on society. While Saleh does not attempt to destroy the power of tribal leaders he does detach them from the larger tribe. Sheikh al-Fadhli is a tribal leader from He said, "Ex-governors…showed no enthusiasm about providing services for the city", he goes on to criticise the government’s heavy deployment of troops in the area, "Had money spent on those forces been spent on services projects in the governorate, there would have been no acts of sabotage" [6]. Women, Authoritarian rule in a plural society:  Travel, var sc_project=857581; Hudson, Michael, Bipolarity, rational This was something he continued in the united Yemen, "Salih did set the religious right against both the northern leftists and the Yemeni Socialist Party, helping to propel Islamist ideologue Abd al-Majid al-Zindani…into one of five seats on the ruling presidential council" [8]. Carapico, Sheila, From ballot box to The military might that Saleh can exert does act as a deterrent to rebellion even if he is not as violent as some of his contemporaries; Saleh needs to be in control of a loyal military in order to deal with any tribal violence or activity by Islamist militias. elections. Ever since the first Parliamentary elections in 1993, the Islah party has been second only to the GPC in terms of seats won and given that the YSP lost almost all its power following the civil war, one would expect to see a growth of power that could restrict Saleh. This is not to say that tribes in the south have been eradicated, indeed, Saleh’s northern regime sought to use them as a constituency in his competition for power with the YSP prior to the civil war. ), after the civil war: three scenarios, in Joffe, E.G, et al (eds. As Hudson has written of him, "The President was first and foremost a military man whose métier was security" [2], he continues on to say, "while not as tyrannical, cruel or isolated as certain other Middle East leaders, one can imagine that by now he had acquired the habit of ruling with a firm hand" [3]. Through an increased presence the government has greater ability to control and organise, at least to some extent, citizen’s behaviour and through their consumption of government provided services, tribesmen give a type of tacit consent to Saleh’s regime. up close, in ibid., pp. In 1993 84% of registered voters actually International observers [1] have given generally favourable reports on the parliamentary elections in Yemen and the gradual development of its political infrastructure.
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